It was a hot, sticky summer day in late August 2008 when my flight landed at Dulles International Airport. It was my first ever visit to the United States and I was looking forward with great excitement to my new and final posting before retirement, as Head of the Press and Communication Office of the Embassy of Greece in Washington, D.C.
I had good reasons to believe, albeit with some reserved ‘professional’ optimism, that my mission in Washington could yield positive results: Greece’s image abroad, though lacking a coherent and systematic communications strategy, had been somehow enhanced after successfully staging the memorable Athens 2004 Olympic Games, a success that defied all critics. Greece was exposed to billions of viewers worldwide, whereby a multitude of its lesser-known and modern characteristics transformed the country’s mainly traditional and rather touristic perceptions. Moreover, Greece had been a member of the Eurozone since 2000, with a moderate but steady economic growth in the intervening years, enjoying economic and political stability. Moreover, bilateral relations between the United States and Greece, traditional friends and allies, were at a very good level.
However, while I was trying to familiarize myself with the politics and media culture of Washington and the United States, the ongoing 2008 financial crisis took an abrupt turn when, on September 15, Lehman Brothers filed for bankruptcy, a move that swept through global financial markets. Naturally, economic policy played a key role in the American presidential election on November 4, won by Barack Obama. As the new Administration was struggling to put together rescue bailout packages for financial giants, the crisis that began on Wall Street migrated to Main Street. Consequently, economic policies bitterly contested by Republicans were to dominate the political scene throughout President Obama’s first term in office, and well after into his second. The policies of the new Administration and the Federal Reserve were at odds with the European policies.
That was an ideal environment for the ‘Greek Case’ to become a political football, entangled in the antagonisms of the two parties, Democrats and Republicans. The talk of the town was Grexit, i.e. Greece leaving the euro and returning to its national currency in order to recover. Being the weakest link in the Eurozone chain meant there was no life in it. The very existence of the Eurozone, even the European Union itself, was doubted by the American media. There was little sympathy for Greece, and, regrettably, little understanding and knowledge about the European Union and its workings.
The torrent of bad publicity since late 2009, when the Greek crisis erupted into the open, virtually destroyed Greece’s image. A negative brand was established which, under the circumstances, was extremely difficult to dislodge. Political turmoil and continuing violent riots in Athens did not help either. The country had lost confidence in itself. The crisis brought to the fore its weaknesses and failures, as well as its dark aspects. That is another way of saying that the image and good brand name of a country is predominantly shaped and built at home.
Again, no consistent communications strategy, if any at all, emerged from Athens in order to counter such horrendous publicity. Fortunately, our relentless efforts at the Greek Embassy in Washington contributed to limiting the damage. The use of modern methods of communication, particularly social media, was also very helpful and productive.
Two studies concerning American print media coverage of the ‘Greek case’ conducted by my staff with professional and scientific rigour, one in 2010 and the other in 2012, showed no evidence of excessive bias but nevertheless revealed well-known stereotypes.
Today, as all prophets of Greece’s fatal predicament have been defied, the country has delivered on its obligations towards its lenders (the European Union and the International Monetary Fund), who formulated rescue packages conditional on harsh austerity programmes and numerous long-overdue reforms. Greece has managed to not only balance her books, but to also produce a surplus, that is, surplus disregarding interest on debt, albeit with great sacrifices and social pain. After six years of recession, the country can look forward to modest economic growth and even dare to venture to markets for lending.
By restoring her credibility and creditworthiness, Greece, which holds the rotating Presidency of the European Council for the first half of 2014, should start thinking about its new nation brand as a country born anew with great potential. It is that new image, based on a new identity blending achievement and confidence, which can place Greece again quite comfortably on the world map of perceptions with higher marks. Save some instances of political instability, the challenge of rebranding Greece is there, and must be taken with full responsibility by the competent public and private agencies.
Nation Branding: Concepts, Issues, Practice
Keith Dinnie
Routledge
ISBN-10: 1138775843
ISBN-13: 978-1138775848